Alongside yesterday’s very important judgment of the
International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia was a rather more
pathetic manifestation of the fight against impunity. While the judgment was
being issued, Security officials of the Tribunal, with the apparent assistance
of the Dutch police, arrested French journalist Florence Hartmann. She is now
in detention at the Tribunal’s prison. For a photo of her arrest, look here.
Florence Hartmann served as press officer at the Tribunal
about a decade ago, When she left, she published a memoir entitled Paix et châtiment. The book
referred to decisions of the Tribunal’s Appeals Chamber that were supposed to
have remained confidential. After being tried and convicted of contempt of
court, she was sentenced to pay a €7,000 fine. When she failed to pay the fine, the Tribunal converted the
sentence into one of seven days’ imprisonment. She now has six more days to go, that is, unless the Tribunal applies its policy of early release after service of two-thirds of the sentence.
All of the international tribunals have wasted a lot of
resources on prosecuting so-called ‘offences against the administration of
justice’. The time and money these matters have consumed could have been
usefully devoted to more serious cases involving genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.
It doesn't have to be this way. In the early 1990s, the International
Law Commission conceived of an international court that would not concern
itself with issues like contempt of court, perjury and tampering with witnesses, leaving thus to the national courts. If Florence
Hartmann, or the others, really committed an offence against the administration
of justice, it would make a lot more sense for them to be dealt with by domestic justice systems.
If this were the case, by the way, the door would be wide open
to the European Court of Human Rights. It could address the human rights issues
that arise including arbitrary detention, imprisonment for debt, and freedom of
expression. But the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
lives in a little glass bubble where it is immune from supervision by the
European Court of Human Rights.
Florence Hartmann’s arrest did not, apparently, take place
on the territory of the Tribunal, but well outside its gates. Can it really be
the case that United Nations security guards have the legal authority to arrest
individuals on Dutch territory outside the premises of the Tribunal?
The Security Council resolution establishing the Tribunal
gives it jurisdiction over ‘serious violations of international humanitarian
law’. Publishing a book in France does not fit within this concept. That may
explain why France has refused requests from the Tribunal to arrest Florence
Hartman for non-payment of the €7,000
fine.
Nobody
should be put in prison for failure to pay a fine. This amounts to arbitrary detention.
If the offence merits a jail sentence, then impose one from the beginning. But if it only justifies a fine of a relatively modest amount, it should not then be converted into jail time for non-payment, If the Tribunal wants to collect the money, let it file a civil claim before a
national court and attempt to seize the money from the bank account of its
debtor. That’s what the rest of us have to do when we are owed money.
2 comments:
It is also interesting that the ICTY Appeals Chamber holds that interference in the administration of justice can occur without "any actual interference t[aking] place": "When a court order has been violated, the Trial Chamber does not need to assess whether any actual interference took place or whether a real risk to the administration of justice has taken place because such a violation per se interferes with the administration of justice. The Appeals Chamber in the Jović case held that 'the language of Rule 77 shows that a violation of a court order as such constitutes an interference with the International Tribunal’s administration of justice.' Thus, 'no additional proof of harm to the International Tribunal’s administration of justice is required.'" (In the Case against Florence Hartmann [IT-02-54-R77.5-A], Appeals Chamber Judgement, 19 July 2011, para. 107.)
Hartmann was a senior official of the UN, had been employed thus for 6 years, and knew the relevant law and the reasons why her employers wished to protect confidential decisions made by judges. The reasons in this case were the continued operation of the tribunal by means of state cooperation, which cooperation was placed in jeopardy by her two publications. The functioning of this and any other tribunal, depending as these courts do on state cooperation to arrest accused persons, find evidence for both parties, and entry into states to conduct investigations, are in issue.
Rule 77(G) RPE allows a court to impose imprisonment for 7 years, a fine of up to 100,000 Euros, or both. There is no provision allowing the court, after imposing a fine, to treat it as a civil debt upon non-payment, and it is difficult to see why such a procedure would be efficient or justifiable. Non-payment of a fine when payment is possible is specifically made a possible further contempt. In this case, Hartmann [who had been treated as indigent and had collected enormous value in free legal services] chose to play a silly game of showing that the money donated by her supporters to pay the fine was waiting in France if the tribunal wanted to come and get it. Specifically, she refused to obey the court’s express instructions on how the money should have been paid over. She would not have been treated so leniently by any national court. As to the arrest by the Dutch, it was expressly requested by the court in the original decision altering the fine to a prison sentence.
Your remarks about the tribunals wasting time over contempt proceedings are, with a few exceptions that come to mind, not accurate. The ICTY has been subjected to a continuous process of attempts to pervert the course of justice. It hardly would attract much credit if it ignored the bad behaviour of its own ex-staff. At the root of all these cases is the need to protect not only an abstract idea of the course of justice but the actual needs of the victims of crimes, and the safety of witnesses who come to make the process work. The ICTR had a much easier experience in regard to contempt by participants [its first contempt appeals case was dated 2010]. But state cooperation is still a critical issue for both tribunals and it was that which Hartmann chose to put at risk. So, she was very lucky to be treated so gently. And the idea that a justice system which is experiencing an attack on its fundamental ability to function should be asked to line up with ordinary civil debtors is misconceived.
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