The
United Nations General Assembly held a controversial ‘debate’ last week on the
subject of international criminal justice and reconciliation. I was invited to
participate in one of the expert panels, and a copy of my prepared remarks can
be found here. For the General Assembly, check here.
Arriving
at United Nations headquarters in New York on Wednesday morning, I was taken by
surprise to learn about a storm that had been brewing around this event. When I
had been invited to participate several weeks earlier, by the President of the
General Assembly, panellists listed for the expert sessions included Kenneth
Roth, former head of Human Rights Watch, David Tolbert, former deputy prosecutor
of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and Tiina
Intelmann, President of the Assembly of States Parties of the International
Criminal Court. There was nothing to suggest that eloquent advocates favouring
the international criminal justice institutions would not be present.
But
by Wednesday morning, Ken, David and Tiina had all withdrawn. I was told that
others, like President Meron of the International Criminal Tribunal for the
former Yugoslavia, had declined an invitation to participate. Moreover, a
European diplomat I met before the meeting started told me that the EU would be
boycotting the afternoon session. In its statement during the morning session,
the EU cast aspersions on the integrity of the panellists, something that I did
not particularly appreciate. I was told that Canada was staying away, but I
certainly saw someone take the nameplate for Canada and attend the morning
session.
The
General Assembly debate was opened on Wednesday morning by Ban Ki Moon. The
morning portion of the meeting consisted of statements by members of the
General Assembly, with priority given to the two heads of state in attendance:
Tomislav Nikolić of Serbia and Nebojša Radmanović of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Predictably, the two presidents were very critical of the International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. There was much talk about bias in
the selection of defendants and in the length of sentences that have been
imposed, as well as complaints about the recent acquittal of Croatian general
Gotovina and Kosovar politician Haradinaj. I don’t think either of them
mentioned the more recent acquittal of Serb general Perisic. They were followed
by a number of other speakers, some of them very supportive of international
criminal justice, like the EU and some of the Latin American and Caribbean
states, and others more sceptical, like Namibia and China. I had some
satisfaction seeing the nameplate of the ‘State of Palestine’ and listening to
the remarks of its delegate.
Rwanda
was represented by its minister of justice, Tharcisse
Karugarama, who had his own critique of international justice, although his
arguments were hardly the same as those of the two Serb presidents. The Rwandan
minister claimed that the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda had not
contributed to reconciliation, although how he could know this is a mystery to
me. He seemed to think that there was reconciliation in Rwanda, but that it was
due to the gacaca trials. Perhaps. But perhaps both the International Tribunal
and the gacaca trials contributed to the process. It is interesting that Minister
Karugarama seems to think that there has been a degree of reconciliation, something
the Serb presidents denied entirely. But the latter seemed to confuse
reconciliation with anger about the Gotovina acquittal.
There
was also much discussion of the International Criminal Court. Several delegates
singled out problems with the Security Council referrals to the Court, noting
that this did not contribute to the independence and impartiality of the
institution. Illegal clauses in the resolutions concerning funding of the Court
and immunity for certain categories of individual were mentioned specifically.
When
the time came for my panel, late in the day, I felt compelled to adjust my prepared
remarks on reconciliation in order to answer much of the unreasonable and
unfair criticism that had been made of international justice. I was left largely
alone, because those who were most friendly to international justice, not to
mention representatives of the International Criminal Court and the
International Tribunals, were absent. The panellists were a mixed bag, and some
of them strayed far from the topic at hand. There was some unproductive harping
on oldarguments that are no longer of any significance, like the now irrelevant
grumble that the Security Council has no authority to create tribunals.
Finally,
I didn’t need to change that much of what I had planned to say, because the
main point in my prepared remarks was that reconciliation is only one of
several objectives of international justice. There is much evidence that the
other purposes – principally peace and deterrence – have been achieved.
International justice can’t take sole credit for the fact that the former
Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Sierra Leone have been at peace for more than a decade.
But nor is it reasonable to gainsay the contribution that the institutions have
made. As for reconciliation, this is something that takes much longer, probably
many decades and generations. It is plainly wrong to dismiss the significance
of the international criminal tribunals by claiming that they have failed to
achieve reconciliation.
At the close of the day, the President of the General Assembly said there had been unprecedented interest in the debate, and that the session would continue at least into the next day because many delegations had requested the right to speak. I could not stay in New York, but there is a press release on the remainder of the debate. For the press release on Wednesday's meeting, see here.
I’m
not a big fan of boycotting debates, especially when they take place in a forum
of such importance as the United Nations General Assembly. The expression of
views that took place last Wednesday was unprecedented. What did it show,
finally?
The
voices that might be characterised as truly hostile to international justice
were not really very numerous. The criticisms that were made on Wednesday
tended to be too harsh and one-sided, and this certainly undermined their
credibility. The Serb president, for example, might have acknowledged the acquittal
of General Perisic. For that matter, he might have recognised that Serbia as a
state has not generally had responsibility attributed to it for the atrocities
that took place during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I suppose that had
Bosnia and Herzegovina been represented by a Bosniac president instead of a
Serb president, we might have heard a different complaint about the Tribunal.
As for Rwanda, to the extent it wants to claim that there is indeed a degree of
justice and reconciliation, some recognition of the contribution by the
Tribunal might be in order.
Criticism
is good for the international tribunals and for the International Criminal
Court. Many supporters of this movement rarely hear the voices of the sceptics,
most of whom come from the global south. The objections need to be taken
seriously and they need to be addressed rather than ignored or dismissed.
The
President of the General Assembly will be preparing a report on the debate.
I'm fairly sure Kenneth Roth is still the head of HRW.
ReplyDeleteGreat Read,
Thanks!
Dear Prof Shabas.
ReplyDeleteThank you for your comments. My understanding is that reconciliation is a compromise. From what you have stated, it appears that we need more time to pass in order to see how effective the peace, reconciliation and deterrence works. Do you think that we may need more research in this area, perhaps from a psychological perspective. Then we could effect peace better while at the same time prevent further conflicts.
Cecile Ogufere
MA student in Human Rights